Friday, November 13, 2026

The Fathers We Never Had: Captain Picard, Tony Soprano, and the Peculiar Grief of Men

The deaths of Patrick Stewart and James Gandolfini reveal something about masculine authority, the influence of fictional fathers, and the peculiar emotional debts that men carry into adulthood.

When Sir Patrick Stewart died on October 28, 2026, at the age of 86, the internet witnessed a remarkable spectacle. Grown men, many of them well into middle age and long accustomed to the ordinary disappointments and tragedies of adulthood, publicly confessed to crying over the death of an actor they had never met. Their grief was neither restrained nor particularly embarrassed. They spoke of losing a father, a mentor, a moral compass, and in some cases the most important masculine influence of their childhood. The object of these declarations was not merely Stewart, the accomplished Shakespearean actor, but Captain Jean-Luc Picard, commanding officer of the fictional starship Enterprise.

Thirteen years earlier, on June 19, 2013, James Gandolfini died unexpectedly of a heart attack at the age of 51. His death likewise produced considerable public mourning, including tributes from fellow actors, devoted fans, and approximately 1,500 people who attended his funeral in New York. Yet the emotional vocabulary of that mourning was, at least in the readily available contemporary accounts, conspicuously different. Gandolfini was remembered as a magnificent performer, a generous colleague, and a decent man whose premature death represented a terrible loss. The fictional figure for whom he was most celebrated, Tony Soprano, inspired admiration of a rather different sort.

This distinction deserves attention, not because one actor was more beloved than the other, nor because the internet provides a reliable instrument for measuring the relative grief of two audiences separated by thirteen years, but because the characters they portrayed represented radically different propositions about masculine authority. One embodied the father a boy might wish he had possessed; the other, all too often, resembled the father a boy might have been unfortunate enough to know. And herein lies a psychological distinction of considerable importance.

Two Men, Two Conceptions of Authority

Captain Jean-Luc Picard was not, as some contemporary commentators might suppose, an exemplar of masculinity made harmless by the abandonment of authority. Quite the contrary. Picard commanded an immensely powerful vessel, demanded discipline from his subordinates, expected competence, and possessed an almost constitutional intolerance for foolishness. He could be stern, impatient, intimidating, and altogether unwilling to indulge the sentimental preferences of those who mistook his courtesy for weakness. What distinguished him was not the absence of power, but the manner in which he exercised it.

Picard regarded authority as a trust, with duties imposed upon its holder rather than privileges bestowed for his personal gratification. He listened before deciding, accepted responsibility for failure, and understood that an officer's obligation to protect those beneath him did not diminish merely because they had disappointed him. His principles were not decorative sentiments intended to impress an audience; they were constraints upon his conduct, particularly when violating them would have been convenient.

Tony Soprano, by contrast, possessed power without those restraints. His authority derived from intimidation, criminal organization, personal loyalty, and the credible threat of violence. He could love his children and brutalize another man's children, display remarkable tenderness toward an animal and murder a human being whose continued existence inconvenienced him, or profess devotion to family while systematically betraying the people he professed to cherish.

The genius of The Sopranos consisted partly in its refusal to make this contradiction easy for the viewer. Tony was neither a cardboard villain nor a misunderstood saint. He was a profoundly damaged man whose occasional decency rendered his cruelty more disturbing, not less. His intelligence and emotional vulnerability invited sympathy, while his actions repeatedly demonstrated why sympathy should never be confused with moral exoneration.

The two characters thus offered competing examples of fatherhood and masculine leadership. Picard demonstrated how a powerful man ought to conduct himself when duty conflicts with inclination; Tony demonstrated the destruction that follows when inclination is permitted to masquerade as duty.

Both could teach an attentive viewer something important about being a man, although only one furnished a model that sensible parents might wish their sons to emulate.

The Father Who Lived on Television

The peculiar intensity of the mourning for Patrick Stewart becomes more comprehensible when one considers the circumstances under which many boys first encountered Captain Picard.

Star Trek: The Next Generation aired from 1987 through 1994, a period during which an entire generation of boys was learning what adulthood might require of them. Some had affectionate and dependable fathers. Others had fathers who were physically absent, emotionally unavailable, violent, or so consumed by their own difficulties that their sons were left to assemble an understanding of manhood from whatever examples happened to be available.

The latter circumstance deserves neither romantic embellishment nor deterministic condemnation. Fatherlessness does not inevitably produce a troubled adult, and a loving mother, grandfather, uncle, teacher, or other responsible person may provide invaluable guidance. Nevertheless, the proposition that a boy benefits from having a decent adult man to admire ought not require an elaborate defense. For some boys, remarkably, that man appeared every week on a television screen.

In a 2020 essay published by StarTrek.com, writer Dusty Stowe described growing up with an emotionally distant father whose substance abuse and personal instability complicated their relationship. When his mother introduced him to The Next Generation, he encountered in Picard a consistent example of the qualities missing from his own paternal experience. Stowe eventually incorporated Picard's compassion, curiosity, and moral discipline into his understanding of the person he wished to become.

His account contains a particularly revealing detail. When his biological father died in 2013, following years of estrangement, Stowe experienced little of the grief conventionally expected of a son. Yet the fictional captain had remained an important moral influence throughout his life.

The significance of this testimony is difficult to exaggerate, provided we do not exaggerate what it proves. It establishes neither that fictional characters can replace actual parents nor that all fatherless boys develop comparable attachments. It establishes something narrower and more interesting: that a person may derive important moral guidance from a fictional character even when the corresponding relationship in his actual family has failed him.

Another StarTrek.com essay, by Duncan Barrett, explored the reactions of middle-aged men to the return of Picard in 2020. Barrett described his own father leaving during his childhood and interviewed men who connected their emotional attachment to Picard with difficult paternal relationships. One recalled identifying with Wesley Crusher and wanting Picard's approval because it represented something he had not received from his own father.

These accounts were published years before Stewart's death, an important fact that disposes of the suggestion that the paternal language was merely an extravagant invention of the internet's mourning rituals. The relationship, in other words, preceded the bereavement.

Following Stewart's death, similar sentiments surfaced in fan discussions. In a November 13 Reddit discussion, one commenter suggested that Picard and Professor Charles Xavier had become father figures for members of the generation raised on those characters. Another remembered Stewart's resemblance to his actual father. Such accounts cannot supply a scientifically representative measure of male grief, but they provide compelling evidence of the different personal meanings attached to the same performer.

The Peculiar Business of Learning Morality from Fiction

There is a fashionable inclination to dismiss attachments to fictional characters as evidence of emotional immaturity, as though a grown man who finds moral instruction in a television program has somehow failed to distinguish entertainment from reality. The objection has the appearance of sophistication without much of the substance.

Human beings have learned through stories for as long as human beings have told them. The examples of literature, religious narrative, drama, and history have always supplied models of courage, cowardice, fidelity, betrayal, prudence, and folly. A person who admires Atticus Finch need not believe that Atticus Finch actually practiced law in Alabama, any more than a reader of Shakespeare must mistake King Lear for an acquaintance in order to learn something about pride and its consequences. Picard belongs to this venerable tradition, albeit with considerably better special effects.

Consider The Measure of a Man, in which Picard defends Data against an institution prepared to treat an intelligent being as property. The captain's behavior illustrates a principle that a boy can comprehend long before he has read a treatise on natural rights: an exercise of power does not become just merely because an institution has authorized it.

In The First Duty, Picard confronts Wesley Crusher over dishonesty, displaying a form of paternal correction that combines genuine concern with an uncompromising demand for personal responsibility. Here is a man who neither humiliates the young officer for the satisfaction of exercising power nor excuses misconduct to secure his affection.

In Family, after his traumatic assimilation by the Borg, Picard finally acknowledges the depths of his suffering. The scene demonstrates that emotional vulnerability does not annul masculine strength and that dignity need not depend upon the perpetual concealment of pain. These are not trivial lessons, particularly for a boy whose available examples of manhood suggest that authority consists of shouting, intimidation, emotional withdrawal, or violence. Picard's conduct offers an alternative conception of masculine competence in which strength serves conscience rather than substituting for it.

Tony Soprano and the Father We Recognize

Tony Soprano occupied an altogether different psychological territory. He was a father whose affection could be sincere but whose conduct repeatedly made affection unreliable. His children lived with a man who could provide material security while remaining a source of emotional instability, and whose demands for respect were not always accompanied by conduct deserving it. For viewers familiar with such family arrangements, Tony may have appeared less like a figure of aspiration than an uncomfortable reminder of home.

But this distinction must not be pressed beyond the evidence. Viewers admired Tony for numerous reasons, including Gandolfini's extraordinary acting, the character's humor, his visible struggles with anxiety, and the program's willingness to expose the contradictions beneath conventional performances of masculine toughness. Identification with a fictional criminal does not establish approval of criminal behavior, any more than admiration for Macbeth establishes an appetite for regicide.

Indeed, Tony's frequent visits to Dr. Melfi presented male vulnerability with a psychological candor unusual for the television of its era. His tragedy lay partly in his capacity to recognize certain personal failings without consistently undertaking the moral discipline necessary to correct them. If Picard supplied an ideal of responsible authority, Tony exposed the miserable gap between a man's conception of himself and the evidence supplied by his conduct. That is a powerful dramatic achievement, and Gandolfini deserved the considerable admiration he received for bringing it to life.

It would therefore be false to suggest that his death produced little grief. Contemporary reports from the Associated Press documented the sorrow of colleagues, while accounts of his funeral described a substantial gathering of mourners. The tributes repeatedly emphasized Gandolfini's kindness, generosity, sensitivity, and humanity, qualities that contrasted dramatically with the character who made him famous.

The difference lies not in the existence of grief, but in the relationship being mourned. Admirers of Gandolfini frequently honored the exceptional man who had made a monstrous character understandable. Admirers of Stewart often mourned both the actor and the moral example represented by his most famous creation.

What Psychology Can and Can't Tell Us

Psychologists use the term parasocial relationship to describe the one-sided emotional connections people develop with public figures and fictional characters. The terminology is unnecessarily clinical for what is frequently an ordinary human experience, but the underlying phenomenon is real.

In a study published in Death Studies, researchers Alysse Baker and Elizabeth Cohen examined anticipated grief in 271 participants asked to imagine the deaths of people with whom they had either personal or parasocial relationships. Their findings indicated that perceived closeness, rather than the one-sided character of the relationship itself, was associated with the intensity of imagined grief.

The study concerns hypothetical bereavement rather than actual celebrity deaths, a limitation that should be respected. Nevertheless, it undermines the assumption that grief must be shallow merely because the relationship was not reciprocal.

Research on father absence provides another piece of the explanation. A qualitative study of 21 adult men identified recurring experiences of rejection, grief over missing paternal relationships, diminished self-esteem, and difficulty establishing trust. A separate study of 21 men found that supportive substitute father figures and extended-family relationships could provide meaningful emotional resources.

Neither study establishes that fatherless men disproportionately mourned Patrick Stewart, and neither justifies diagnosing strangers on Reddit from their emotional posts. Such a conclusion would require systematic comparison of viewers' family histories and grief responses, with attention to the many other factors influencing celebrity attachment.

The available evidence supports a more modest proposition: some men explicitly regarded Picard as a substitute paternal influence, psychological research makes that attachment understandable, and Stewart's death could therefore be experienced as a meaningful personal loss. 

Patrick Stewart's Own Father

The deepest irony in this story is found in Patrick Stewart's childhood. Stewart grew up in a household where his father, a former British Army regimental sergeant major, subjected his mother to repeated domestic violence. Stewart eventually wrote about the experiences and became a prominent advocate for victims of domestic abuse.

In a remarkable 2009 account published in The Guardian, he described the lasting emotional consequences of witnessing his father's violence and his own efforts to overcome the destructive example of masculine behavior set before him.

The circumstances present an extraordinary juxtaposition. A boy who witnessed the abuse of authority within his own household grew into an actor internationally celebrated for portraying authority disciplined by conscience.

One must resist the temptation to transform this coincidence into an unsupported psychological explanation for Stewart's performance. Picard was also the creation of writers, directors, and a larger dramatic tradition, while Stewart brought decades of classical training to the role. Yet it is reasonable to observe that Stewart possessed firsthand knowledge of the difference between power and moral legitimacy.

And that difference was fundamental to the captain he portrayed. A man who had learned, through painful experience, what unrestrained masculine authority could do became the face of a character who demonstrated what restrained masculine authority might accomplish. For men who had experienced something similar in their own childhoods, the appeal is not difficult to understand.

The Death of a Father Who Never Existed

There remains another dimension to the grief following Stewart's death, one that is independent of any particular man's childhood. The boys who watched The Next Generation during its original broadcasts are now middle-aged, many with children, careers, disappointments, and responsibilities of their own. They have reached an age at which the moral instructions of childhood must be tested against experience, and at which the confident judgments of youth are frequently replaced by a more sober appreciation of human weakness.

A man who admired Picard at twelve because the captain was intelligent and commanding may admire him at fifty because he has discovered how difficult it is to exercise authority without arrogance, maintain principle under pressure, and remain compassionate toward people who have disappointed him. He may have spent decades attempting, with mixed success, to become the kind of man he once watched on television.

Stewart's death therefore represents something beyond the loss of a celebrated performer. It marks another severed connection with the world of childhood and reminds his admirers that the adults who once appeared permanent have gradually disappeared.

The effect may be particularly powerful for men who lacked dependable paternal guidance, although it plainly need not be confined to them. A man whose own father was loving may see Picard as an extension of familiar virtues, while a man whose father was absent may see him as the embodiment of virtues he had to discover elsewhere.

There is, moreover, something instructive about the fact that the fictional captain survives his interpreter. The episodes remain available, the speeches can still be heard, and the moral examples that influenced an earlier generation will continue to be presented to audiences not yet born. The biological man has died, but the influence he helped create is not extinguished by that event.


Thursday, November 12, 2026

Wikipedia's Selective Indignation: The Curious Cases of Anthony Fauci and Jared Isaacman

 When an encyclopedia applies different standards of scrutiny to different public figures, its claim to neutrality becomes considerably less convincing.

There is something rather remarkable about an institution that claims to provide neutral information while reserving for itself the authority to decide which controversies deserve examination and which may be dispatched with a reassuring sentence or two. Wikipedia has made a considerable success of this arrangement. It invites the public to trust its collective editorial judgment, assures readers that its articles represent significant viewpoints fairly, and presents the resulting product as an encyclopedia rather than an editorial opinion. This is an admirable ambition, provided the promised neutrality is actually practiced.

A comparison of the Wikipedia biographies of Anthony Fauci and Jared Isaacman, as they appeared in November 2026, offers a useful opportunity to examine that proposition.

Fauci spent decades exercising considerable influence over American public health policy and became one of the most consequential government officials during the COVID-19 pandemic. His decisions, public pronouncements, and oversight of federally funded research have been the subjects of congressional investigations, inspector-general findings, and allegations serious enough to produce criminal referrals to the Department of Justice. President Joe Biden ultimately issued him a sweeping preemptive pardon.

Isaacman, by contrast, is an entrepreneur, accomplished pilot, and private astronaut who founded successful companies, commanded the first all-civilian orbital spaceflight, participated in the first commercial spacewalk, and raised substantial funds for children's cancer research. His appointment as NASA administrator provoked political controversy, particularly over his relationship with Elon Musk and his proposed changes to the agency's priorities. The Senate nevertheless confirmed him in December 2025 by a bipartisan vote of 67–30.

Neither man had been convicted of the misconduct discussed here. Neither had been criminally charged in connection with these controversies. Yet the editorial treatment of their respective controversies reveals an interesting difference in emphasis, one that deserves examination by anyone who considers Wikipedia a reliable and politically neutral source.

The Fauci Biography: Less is More

Wikipedia's account of Anthony Fauci is extensive in its treatment of his career, professional distinctions, awards, and contributions to medicine. It describes his work during the HIV/AIDS epidemic, his service under successive presidential administrations, his scientific publications, and his considerable public recognition. There is nothing inherently improper about recording these achievements. Fauci's career was distinguished, and his contributions to medical research are substantial.

The difficulty arises when one examines the treatment of the controversies that accompanied the final years of his public service.

In January 2023, the Department of Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General published an audit concerning grants awarded by the National Institutes of Health to EcoHealth Alliance, an organization that had subcontracted research to the Wuhan Institute of Virology.

The audit examined approximately $8 million in NIH awards, including $1.8 million in subawards to multiple recipients, among them the Wuhan laboratory. It concluded that NIH had failed to monitor adequately certain grant conditions, had not acted promptly on compliance deficiencies, and had missed opportunities to oversee potentially risky research. It also identified $89,171 in unallowable EcoHealth costs.

These were not findings published by a political commentator, an anonymous internet account, or a competing medical researcher. They came from a federal inspector general examining federal expenditures and the administration of research grants.

They did not establish that Fauci personally committed a crime, nor did they demonstrate that the research caused COVID-19. But the failures occurred within an institute he directed, concerned research at the center of an international controversy, and raised obvious questions about the responsibilities of senior officials charged with supervising public expenditures.

A reader of Fauci's Wikipedia biography will not find a substantive discussion of this audit or the EcoHealth oversight failures.

The omission becomes more conspicuous when one considers the 520-page final report issued by the House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic in December 2024. The Republican-led investigation examined pandemic policies, federal research funding, institutional oversight, and the handling of competing hypotheses concerning the origins of SARS-CoV-2.

Its majority report alleged that the scientific publication commonly known as Proximal Origin had been encouraged by Fauci to advance a preferred explanation of the virus's origins. It criticized the administration of gain-of-function research funding and identified what investigators considered serious failures in federal transparency and accountability.

Those conclusions were disputed. Democratic members of the subcommittee issued their own findings rejecting allegations that Fauci had orchestrated a suppression campaign or knowingly misrepresented federally funded research. The dispute was therefore substantial, public, documented, and directly concerned Fauci's official conduct.

An encyclopedia committed to neutrality should be particularly interested in such material. It need not endorse the Republican conclusions, nor conceal the Democratic rebuttal. Indeed, the proper encyclopedic treatment would be to explain both, identify what the evidence actually establishes, and leave the reader capable of making an informed judgment.

Instead, Wikipedia's biography makes no comparable effort to examine this major congressional investigation.

An even more pointed controversy concerned Fauci's sworn testimony.

In August 2023, Senator Rand Paul formally requested a Department of Justice investigation into Fauci's statements before the Senate concerning federal funding of gain-of-function research in Wuhan. Paul alleged that subsequent disclosures, including internal communications, contradicted Fauci's testimony.

In July 2025, Paul renewed his criminal referral, reiterating his contention that Fauci had made false statements under oath.

Fauci denied lying to Congress. His defenders argued that the disagreement turned in significant part on competing definitions of gain-of-function research and that the evidence did not establish intentional falsehood. These are serious defenses, particularly because a criminal false-statement or perjury prosecution would require proof of the relevant statutory elements, not merely a disagreement over scientific terminology.

Nevertheless, the allegations were sufficiently specific to produce formal requests for criminal investigation. The existence of those referrals is a matter of public record. Whether they should have resulted in an indictment is a separate legal question.

Wikipedia's article briefly notes that Fauci denied NIH funding of gain-of-function research at Wuhan, but does not explain these earlier criminal referrals or examine the competing interpretations of the evidence underlying them.

A federal official's alleged false testimony to Congress is hardly an incidental biographical detail. One would imagine it deserves at least as much editorial attention as the controversies surrounding a space administrator's previous political donations.

The Pardon That Apparently Requires Little Explanation

On January 19, 2025, Biden granted Fauci a preemptive pardon covering potential federal offenses committed between January 1, 2014, and January 19, 2025.

The extraordinary feature of this action was that Fauci had not been charged with a crime.

Biden explained that he wished to protect public servants from politically motivated prosecutions. His official statement expressly denied that the pardons acknowledged wrongdoing.

That is an important distinction. A presidential pardon does not itself establish guilt, and it would be legally indefensible to insist otherwise.

But the opposite proposition is equally unsound: that the granting of a pardon renders the underlying allegations unworthy of scrutiny. The Constitution gives the president substantial authority to grant clemency. It does not confer upon an encyclopedia the obligation to treat the recipient's conduct as settled in his favor.

Wikipedia does mention Fauci's pardon, as it should. Its treatment, however, concentrates on Biden's explanation that the pardon was intended to forestall politically motivated retaliation, without providing readers with a similarly detailed account of the earlier investigations and referrals.

The imbalance is not that Wikipedia conceals the pardon. It plainly does not. The imbalance is that the reader encounters the justification for the pardon without sufficient exposure to the evidence and accusations that made the possibility of prosecution a public controversy in the first place.

Events in 2026 made the matter still more consequential.

On June 18, 2026, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence released declassified material accompanied by allegations that Fauci had influenced intelligence assessments concerning COVID-19's origins and made statements inconsistent with his earlier congressional testimony.

Those allegations were disputed by subsequent analyses, including an examination published by Lawfare, which concluded that the released documents did not establish the government's more dramatic accusations. An allegation made by an intelligence official is not automatically proof simply because it appears on government letterhead.

Then, on July 29, 2026, Fauci appeared before the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee and invoked the Fifth Amendment more than 100 times. On August 6, the committee voted along party lines to hold him in contempt, and Paul referred the matter to the Department of Justice for possible prosecution.

The legal issues were complicated. The Fifth Amendment is a constitutional protection, not a confession, and the extent to which Fauci's earlier pardon affected his ability to invoke that protection was disputed. The authority of the committee's referral procedure was also questioned.

These events are mentioned in Fauci's Wikipedia biography, including the intelligence allegations and competing assessments. That fact should be acknowledged.

What remains striking is the contrast between the considerable documentary record concerning his earlier conduct and the relatively limited space devoted to examining it. Wikipedia has found room for a lengthy account of Fauci's public recognition and cultural appearances, including his portrayal on Saturday Night Live. It has been considerably less expansive in explaining the substance of investigations into the administration of a national public health program.

The argument is not that every allegation against Fauci was true. The available record does not establish that. It is that the documented questions about sworn testimony, research oversight, and federal accountability warranted serious examination, including by prosecutors where applicable, rather than being treated as an embarrassment best summarized and passed over.

Jared Isaacman: A Different Standard of Interest

The Wikipedia biography of Jared Isaacman presents a rather different editorial emphasis.

Isaacman's accomplishments are substantial and documented. He built a successful payment-processing business, developed an aviation enterprise that trains military pilots, flew two private orbital missions, became the first private citizen to conduct a spacewalk, and helped raise more than $250 million for St. Jude Children's Research Hospital through the Inspiration4 mission.

Wikipedia records these accomplishments, but its treatment of Isaacman's appointment to NASA also provides an unusually detailed account of the political disputes surrounding him.

Readers learn about the objections to his relationship with Elon Musk, concerns that his appointment might favor SpaceX, disagreements over lunar and Martian exploration priorities, the circumstances surrounding Trump's withdrawal of his initial nomination, the political maneuvering involving other administration officials, his previous donations to Democratic candidates, and the controversy surrounding his proposed NASA restructuring plan, Project Athena.

The article also chronicles objections from members of Congress concerning NASA funding and potential changes to established programs.

These are legitimate matters for public discussion. The administrator of NASA controls an institution receiving billions of taxpayer dollars, and his relationships with commercial contractors warrant scrutiny. A fair encyclopedia should not conceal those conflicts or political concerns.

But the noteworthy distinction is that Isaacman's article treats political resistance as an important part of his professional history, explaining not simply that opposition existed but the personalities, motives, institutional interests, and political circumstances surrounding it.

Isaacman was not accused of the kinds of criminal conduct alleged against Fauci. His nomination nevertheless receives an extensive account of political controversy.

Wikipedia does acknowledge that his nomination enjoyed support from former astronauts, elected officials, and aerospace figures. It also reports his bipartisan Senate confirmation. It would be inaccurate to characterize the article as wholly hostile. Yet its willingness to document the particulars of political opposition makes the abbreviated examination of Fauci's earlier investigations all the more conspicuous.

Indeed, the Senate confirmed Isaacman 67–30 in December 2025, after he had endured both the withdrawal and restoration of his nomination.

One man had attracted formal requests for criminal investigation concerning his conduct as a federal official and ultimately received a presidential pardon. The other endured an ugly political appointment process and was confirmed by a substantial bipartisan majority.

Their biographies are not identical, nor should they be. But the discrepancy in the depth with which their controversies are explained suggests that Wikipedia's editorial priorities deserve considerably more scrutiny than its reputation for neutrality generally receives.

Neutrality Is Not Established by Declaring Oneself Neutral

Wikipedia's own neutral-point-of-view policy requires significant viewpoints to receive fair and proportionate treatment without editorial bias.

This principle is eminently sensible. It is also considerably more demanding than merely ensuring that each sentence in an article can be supported by a citation.

An article can contain nothing demonstrably false and nevertheless leave its readers with a misleading impression. The selection of facts, the arrangement of paragraphs, the space allotted to competing evidence, and the decision to explain one controversy in detail while compressing another into a footnote can all affect the resulting account.

The problem is especially pronounced when editors are permitted to decide which sources qualify as reliable, which controversies merit inclusion, and which interpretations deserve prominence. Those decisions are unavoidable in any encyclopedia. But they are judgments, not mathematical operations, and they can reflect the assumptions and preferences of the people making them.

There is now empirical research suggesting that Wikipedia's political coverage is not as evenhanded as its advocates might suppose.

In July 2026, researchers Zhengyi Liang and Jaeho Cho of the University of California, Davis, published a study in Digital Journalism titled Complicating Wisdom of Crowds: News Sources Reveal Political Bias in Wikipedia Biographies.

Examining the news references used in biographies of American elected officials, the researchers found a moderate but statistically significant liberal bias in the selection of news sources. Liberal-leaning outlets were cited more extensively than conservative-leaning ones across biographies of politicians from both major parties.

This study does not prove that the editors of either the Fauci or Isaacman article acted with partisan intent. Nor does the political classification of a source establish that its reporting is inaccurate. But the research undermines the convenient assumption that Wikipedia's collaborative editing process automatically produces ideological neutrality.

A separate 2024 Manhattan Institute study reported that Wikipedia's treatment of right-of-center public figures tended to contain more negative sentiment than its treatment of left-of-center figures. That research used automated sentiment classification and came from an ideologically identified institution, limitations that warrant consideration. Its findings nevertheless add to the body of research asking whether Wikipedia's editorial choices systematically favor one political perspective.

The broader lesson is straightforward. A neutral encyclopedia is not defined by the sincerity of its editors' professed commitment to neutrality. It is defined by the consistency with which its editorial standards are applied.

Wikipedia's Reputation and Declining Traffic

The consequences of these questions extend beyond the reputation of any individual biography.

Wikipedia has become part of the infrastructure through which modern society obtains information. Its articles appear prominently in search results, inform journalists and students, and supply material used by artificial intelligence systems. An editorial imbalance on Wikipedia can consequently be reproduced far beyond Wikipedia itself.

That makes the organization's recent readership difficulties particularly noteworthy.

In October 2025, the Wikimedia Foundation reported that human pageviews had declined by approximately 8 percent compared with the corresponding months of 2024, after adjustments to distinguish human readers from automated traffic.

The situation remained concerning in 2026. Wikimedia's readership metrics reported user pageviews down approximately 4 percent year over year, while mobile-web pageviews, less distorted by undetected bots, had declined approximately 16 percent.

Even more revealing was Wikimedia's own July 2026 assessment of global trends, which acknowledged that traffic, public awareness, trust, and affinity toward Wikipedia had all declined during the period it examined.

Wikimedia attributes much of the readership decline to artificial intelligence search summaries, changing search behavior, and the increasing tendency of users to obtain answers without visiting the original sources. These explanations are credible, supported by independent research, and should not be dismissed merely because they complicate a criticism of Wikipedia's editorial practices.

There is no sound evidence establishing that political bias caused the reported traffic decline. A decline in readership and a measurable editorial bias may coexist without one being the principal cause of the other.

But the absence of proof of causation should not be confused with the absence of a reputational problem.

An encyclopedia facing competition from AI-assisted search has fewer opportunities to earn readers' confidence through direct engagement. Its continuing value depends increasingly upon the credibility of the information that other services reproduce and upon the willingness of readers to regard its editorial judgments as trustworthy.

If users conclude that Wikipedia provides different levels of scrutiny depending on the political implications of a biography, that judgment can only weaken one of the institution's most important competitive advantages: the belief that it exists to explain controversies rather than influence how those controversies are perceived.

This need not be the cause of Wikipedia's falling traffic to be a serious institutional weakness.

An Encyclopedia Must Apply Its Own Rules

The comparison between Anthony Fauci and Jared Isaacman does not establish that every Wikipedia editor is politically biased, that every criticism of Fauci is justified, or that every objection raised to Isaacman's appointment was unreasonable. Such conclusions would require evidence that these two articles alone cannot provide.

What the comparison does establish is that important material concerning Fauci's official conduct receives substantially less explanation than the underlying controversies warrant, while Isaacman's political opposition is presented in considerable detail.

It is perfectly appropriate for Wikipedia to report that Fauci was never criminally charged and that his defenders dispute the allegations made against him. It is equally appropriate to report that Isaacman's commercial relationships and proposed policies raised legitimate congressional concerns.

But fairness requires more than providing the favored subject with the benefit of every explanation and the disfavored subject with an exhaustive record of political objections.

In ordinary legal proceedings, the credibility of an institution depends upon the application of known standards to the facts before it, without regard to whether the person under examination happens to be admired or despised. An encyclopedia that claims neutrality undertakes a comparable obligation, even though its judgments are editorial rather than judicial.

Wikipedia has accomplished something of considerable value by making an enormous body of information freely accessible. That achievement deserves recognition. It does not entitle the organization to a presumption of impartiality that cannot be questioned by reference to its own work.

The remedy is neither complicated nor ideological. Wikipedia should give substantial, well-documented controversies the attention their significance warrants, present competing findings in proportion to the evidence supporting them, and apply those standards consistently to public officials regardless of their political associations.


Sunday, October 25, 2026

“Why Do You Want to Work Here?” Because I Need a Paycheck, Karen.

The absurd psychology of job interviews, corporate loyalty, and the institutionalization of bullshit.

There are few questions in corporate America more ridiculous than the old HR interview favorite:

"Why do you want to work here?"

Well, Karen, because I need a job. I enjoy eating regularly, having electricity, and not living under a freeway overpass. Your company has an opening, I appear to have the necessary qualifications, and you're offering money in exchange for my labor. That seems like a pretty reasonable foundation for a business relationship. But apparently, that's not an acceptable answer.

Instead, you're supposed to explain how you've admired the company's mission for years, how its corporate values align with your own, and how joining this particular organization represents the fulfillment of some deeply personal ambition.

You must deliver this little performance convincingly enough to distinguish yourself from the other hundred poor bastards competing for the same paycheck. Everybody knows the game. The applicant knows it. The interviewer knows it. Yet both parties are expected to maintain the fiction that this is a profound conversation about professional destiny.

What a load of crap.

You Don't Know What You're Getting Into, and Neither Does HR

Here's the fundamental problem with the question: Unless you've previously worked with the same team, under the same management, in the same organization, you probably have very little idea what working there will actually be like.

You might know what the company sells. You might have researched its financial performance, read employee reviews, and examined its corporate mission statement. Congratulations. You've learned what the company wants the outside world to know about it.

You probably haven't learned whether your prospective manager is an incompetent micromanager, whether half the department is planning to quit, or whether the entire operation is held together by three overworked employees and a spreadsheet nobody understands.

You don't know whether the advertised job resembles the actual job. You don't know whether the team works well together, whether management tolerates disagreement, or whether you'll spend the next three years sitting through pointless meetings about improving productivity. The job could be terrific, but it's probably a huge pain in the ass. Otherwise someone inside the company would have fought for it.

And there's a reasonable chance the interviewer doesn't know much about these things either, particularly if they're an HR representative who doesn't work in the department. Yet you're expected to declare your enthusiasm for an experience you haven't had, involving people you haven't worked with, under circumstances you cannot independently verify.

So What the Hell Is HR Actually Testing?

Let's give the question the benefit of the doubt. Perhaps the interviewer wants to know whether you've researched the company. That's reasonable. An applicant ought to understand the position they're applying for. Perhaps they're looking for evidence of motivation. Nobody wants to hire someone who openly despises the work. Maybe they're assessing social awareness. Does the candidate understand the basic conventions of professional communication, or are they some antisocial knucklehead who will tell customers to piss off? 

But here's the problem: The question doesn't reliably distinguish among them. A genuinely enthusiastic candidate might give a beautiful answer. So might a thoroughly unmotivated candidate who spent twenty minutes rehearsing something generated by ChatGPT. Meanwhile, a highly qualified engineer, accountant, or software developer who responds that the compensation is competitive and the work matches their expertise might be dismissed as insufficiently passionate. Which candidate is actually more likely to perform? The person with the polished speech? Or the person who understands the job and can demonstrate the skills necessary to do it?

That's the question HR should be trying to answer. Instead, the traditional question risks measuring a candidate's willingness and ability to produce the socially approved response. The cynic (me) might call that a test of obedience. A more charitable interpretation is that it's a poorly designed attempt to measure motivation and cultural fit. Neither interpretation makes it a particularly good hiring instrument.

The Research Makes This Even More Ridiculous

There's a scientific term for the behavior these interviews encourage: impression management. People modify how they present themselves to influence how others perceive them. Sometimes that's perfectly innocent. Dressing professionally for an interview is impression management. But the process can cross into deception when candidates invent motivations, exaggerate personality traits, or claim values they don't actually hold. Researchers have studied this.

A 2019 paper, Faking to Fit In: Applicants' Response Strategies to Match Organizational Culture, examined the phenomenon across six studies. The researchers found that applicants inferred the personality characteristics desired by employers and adjusted their responses to appear more compatible with those organizations. In other words, applicants learn what the employer wants to hear and modify their answers accordingly .

Imagine that.

A separate 2021 study in Personnel Assessment and Decisions examined 206 recently hired applicants. It found that deceptive impression management during interviews was associated with poorer perceived fit after hiring, with relationships to stress, well-being, and employee engagement.

These findings don't prove that this particular HR question causes dishonesty. They do, however, demonstrate that the broader incentive to manufacture compatibility is a real phenomenon with potentially undesirable consequences. And the research on better hiring methods is hardly a secret.

A major 2022 meta-analysis by Paul Sackett and colleagues found that structured interviews ranked among the strongest personnel selection methods for predicting job performance. Structured interviews aren't simply a collection of familiar questions asked in the same order. They're designed around job-relevant competencies, with standardized evaluation criteria.

Asking someone to explain how they diagnosed a difficult technical problem provides evidence about their technical and analytical abilities. Asking why they've always dreamed of working for Consolidated Corporate Bullshitland provides evidence that they've prepared an interview answer.

The LinkedIn Post That Spells Out the Game

A LinkedIn post by Paul Upton addresses precisely this problem.

Upton observes that the genuine reasons people want jobs are usually straightforward: compensation, benefits, commuting distance, professional advancement, and the general attractiveness of the position. But applicants often believe those answers will disqualify them. Instead, they're coached to talk about passion, corporate values, and an almost spiritual alignment with the organization's mission.

His conclusion is that candidates succeed by understanding the unwritten rules of the interview. There's something deeply irritating about this. We're not talking about an elaborate psychological experiment. We're talking about businesses trying to hire people to perform productive work. Yet we've constructed a ritual in which an applicant's ability to recognize and reproduce the expected fiction can become more important than their willingness to speak plainly.

And then companies spend millions on corporate initiatives promoting honesty, integrity, transparency, and authenticity. Apparently, those values become important only after you've successfully navigated an interview process that may penalize them. Just kidding, I have yet to meet a corporate executive with any integrity at all...but I keep hoping.

Why Employers Keep Asking

There's another explanation worth considering: institutional inertia. HR departments inherit interview practices from previous HR departments. Managers repeat questions that were asked during their own interviews. Career coaches teach candidates how to answer those questions, reinforcing the perception that the questions must be important. The process becomes self-sustaining. There's also a practical advantage for the interviewer.

A vague question produces a subjective answer, which permits a subjective judgment. That can feel easier than developing specific, defensible criteria for measuring competence. Candidate A seemed passionate. Candidate B didn't quite fit the culture. Candidate C just didn't have the right energy. These are convenient explanations. They aren't valid measurements. I could honestly give a shit. I want the dude that's going to be a good employee, not a 'passionate' corporate robot.

When an organization has a large pool of applicants, it can afford to reject capable people for flimsy reasons without immediately recognizing the cost. The rejected candidates disappear. Their potential contributions remain unknown. The company never learns whether it selected the best worker or merely the most convincing interview performer. But I'll tell you from experience, this is rarely the case.

That's a serious measurement problem, it's also an expensive one.

Here's What I'd Ask Instead

I have no objection to interviewing people. Hiring is difficult, expensive, and consequential. A bad employee can create enormous problems for an organization. But the interview should investigate the things that matter.

Ask candidates to describe difficult problems they've solved. Give them realistic scenarios from the position. Ask how they handle disagreements, manage competing priorities, recover from mistakes, and work with people who have different opinions. Let them demonstrate their technical skills.

If you want to understand their motivation, ask what they're looking for in their next position and what working conditions allow them to perform effectively. Then tell them what the actual job involves, including the unpleasant parts. A candidate who says, "I'm looking for challenging analytical work, competent management, and reasonable compensation," has given you useful information.

Can the employer explain why good people stay? Can the manager describe the department's turnover, workload, and management practices? Can they offer a realistic account of professional development?

Or will the candidate receive the same collection of corporate slogans?

It's interesting how quickly the conversation about passion and commitment can become uncomfortable when the employer is expected to provide evidence.

Why Someone Who Defends This Question Won't Be Running HR at My Company

Suppose I'm hiring someone to run human resources. I want someone who understands employment law, organizational behavior, personnel selection, compensation, and the actual business of getting competent people into jobs where they can succeed. I want someone who can distinguish between a valid measurement and a traditional practice that merely feels useful.

Most importantly, I want someone willing to challenge bad procedures rather than perpetuate them because that's how things have always been done. If an HR candidate enthusiastically defends "Why do you want to work here?" as an essential test of loyalty, passion, or character, without being able to explain what it measures or how well it predicts performance, that's a serious red flag.

Not because HR professionals are inherently incompetent. Most of them are, but let's move on.

When someone responsible for designing a company's hiring system ought to understand the difference between selecting qualified employees and selecting people who are good at being interviewed. Those are never the same thing. And if an applicant tells me they're interested in a position because the work suits their skills, the compensation meets their needs, and the opportunity looks promising, I'm perfectly happy with that answer.

I'll evaluate their ability to do the job. I don't need a declaration of corporate love. I don't need them to pretend their childhood dream was to join my payroll. They're offering labor and expertise. I'm offering compensation and working conditions. If we both deliver what we've promised, we have the makings of an excellent professional relationship. That's enough.

So why do you want to work here?

Because the job looks reasonable, the paycheck looks good, and I think I can do the work.

Now, can we dispense with the bullshit and talk about whether I'm actually qualified?


References

  1. Paul Upton, LinkedIn: "Why do you want to work for our company?"

  2. Faking to Fit In: Applicants' Response Strategies to Match Organizational Culture (2019)

  3. Charbonneau et al., Unintended Consequences of Interview Faking: Impact on Perceived Fit and Affective Outcomes (2021)

  4. Sackett et al., Revisiting Meta-Analytic Estimates of Validity in Personnel Selection (2022)

  5. U.S. Office of Personnel Management, Structured Interviews

Sunday, November 2, 2025

On the Ingratitude of Republics: From Carthage to the Pentagon

It is a peculiar and perennial folly of republics to believe that the political arts and the martial arts are one and the same. Worse still is the pernicious habit of judging the latter by the fickle standards of the former. History provides us with stark, bloody object lessons in this regard, wherein great powers, in their decadence, chose courtiers over conquerors and sycophants over soldiers. The consequences were, invariably, catastrophic. One need not be a prophet, but merely a student of human nature and statecraft, to see the same unwise pattern emerging in our own time.

Consider the Roman Republic—a subject upon which I have often ruminated. There you had Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, “Pompey the Great.” A competent general, to be sure, but more significantly, a master politician. He cultivated the Senate, he understood the optimate cause, and he was, above all, a man of the establishment. His command against Mithridates was ratified through the proper channels, his triumphs were celebrated by the right people. He was, in the parlance of our day, a “team player” within the political structure.

And then there was Gaius Julius Caesar. A military genius of a different order, whose conquest of Gaul was so spectacular, so unprecedented, that it inspired not merely admiration in Rome, but a deep and abiding fear. The political class, the Catos and the Ciceros, did not see a hero securing the frontiers; they saw a populist threat to their own privileged position. They sought to prosecute him, to strip him of his command, to drag him back to Rome not for a triumph but for a trial. The Senate, in its profound foolishness, believed it could manage the popular Pompey and destroy the formidable Caesar. The result was not the preservation of the Republic, but its utter destruction in a bloody civil war. They preferred political pliability to martial excellence, and they reaped the whirlwind.

One finds an even starker precedent in that other great commercial republic, Carthage. The Barcid family, and Hannibal in particular, were the saviors of their state. For years, Hannibal Barca fought Rome in Italy, on Roman soil, with a mercenary army and against all odds, winning stunning victories at Trebia, Trasimene, and Cannae. He was a master of his craft. And how did the Carthaginian oligarchy reward him? With jealousy, with political obstruction, and with a deliberate refusal to send reinforcements or supplies. They feared a successful general more than they feared the Roman legions at their gate. They preferred their own comfortable commercial interests and political sinecures to the unglamorous, hard-minded task of winning a war. The consequence was the total defeat of Carthage, the razing of their city, and the sowing of their fields with salt.

The lesson of these episodes is not subtle. It is a principle as clear as any found in our constitutional text: a nation that mistreats its most successful warriors in favor of politically convenient functionaries is a nation courting ruin. It substitutes the judgment of the camp for the intrigues of the court, and it invariably makes the fatal error.

Which brings us, lamentably, to our present circumstance. One observes with a sense of weary recognition the treatment of two of our own most capable generals: Michael Flynn and David Petraeus.

General Flynn was the head of the Defense Intelligence Agency, a warrior with a deep understanding of asymmetric threats. He fell victim not to any battlefield failure, but to a political process—a pernicious and, it now appears, deeply flawed investigation, wherein the might of the federal government was turned against him for the crime of being associated with a disfavored political figure. The against him were ultimately dropped, but the reputational destruction was the point. The establishment proved it could break a three-star general who stepped out of line.

Then consider General David Petraeus, the architect of the Surge in Iraq, a scholar-warner of immense stature. His military record is nearly unblemished by failure. His transgression? The sharing of classified notebooks with his biographer, with whom he was having an affair. A serious error, to be sure. But compare the bureaucratic hounding he endured—a felony charge, the end of his public career—with the serene impunity enjoyed by political appointees who have handled classified information with a negligence bordering on the criminal. The difference is not the severity of the act, but the political utility of the actor. Petraeus was a warrior who had become too large a figure; he had to be cut down to size.

This two-tiered system of justice, one for the politically favored and another for the militarily formidable but politically inconvenient, is a poison. It tells every young officer with talent and ambition that fidelity to the chain of command is less important than fidelity to the prevailing political winds. It discourages the bold, the brilliant, and the unconventional—precisely the minds we need to win the wars of the future.

The Roman and Carthaginian oligarchs made this fatal calculation. They believed their political games were the real contest, and that the generals were but pieces on their board. They discovered, too late, that the board was the world, and the pieces were legions. We seem determined to repeat their error, to our great and certain peril. The Constitution does not prohibit stupidity, but it is a grievous thing to watch a Republic embrace it with such fervor.

I noticed this today, with a youtube video retconning Continental Marines by adding a woman to the group in costume. I have no objection to women being in the Marines, if they can make the cut, but retconning history about who did what is a slap in the face to those who fought, and shows the rot of political involvement has gotten very deep where it goes into the Marine Corps birthday message. I fear it will be very hard to cut out.

The Root of the Rot and the Antidote of Principle

To identify a folly is but the first step. The duty of the jurist—and the citizen—is to probe the cause of the malady. The mistreatment of successful generals is not mere happenstance; it is the predictable output of a diseased political system. The underlying reasons are as old as politics itself, yet they have been perfected in the modern administrative state.

The primary engine of this injustice is the prioritization of political equilibrium over meritorious achievement. A republic, particularly a large and powerful one, develops a ruling class. This class—a self-perpetuating consortium of senators, bureaucrats, media figures, and assorted courtiers—values one thing above all else: its own perpetuation. A brilliant general, fresh from the field of victory, is a wild card. He possesses a currency the political class can never mint: the authentic allegiance of the troops and the admiration of the populace. He is not beholden to their networks, their fundraisers, or their unspoken codes of conduct. He is, in a word, dangerous.

Caesar was dangerous because his dignitas, earned in Gaul, outshone that of every senator in the Forum. Hannibal was dangerous because the merchants of Carthage could not control him; his loyalty was to his father’s oath and to his army, not to their balance sheets. The political class does not ask, “Is this man a great captain?” It asks, “Is this man manageable?” A Pompey, for all his triumphs, was ultimately a creature of the Senate. He could be flattered, bargained with, and controlled. A Caesar could not. The establishment will always choose the manageable mediocrity over the unmanageable genius, for its own survival depends on it.

In our own context, this manifests as the tyranny of the “process.” Generals Flynn and Petraeus were not brought low for legitimate crimes in any proportionate sense. They were brought low because they violated the unwritten codes of the ruling class. Flynn’s sin was consorting with a political movement deemed déclassé and disruptive to the established foreign policy consensus. Petraeus’s sin was, in essence, becoming too large a figure to be left unattended; his transgression provided the necessary pretext for his defenestration. The offense is not the action itself, but the opportunity the action provides the establishment to reassert its control. It is a prophylactic punishment, meant to warn others who might dare to step outside the approved corridors of power.

The second reason is the bureaucratization of virtue. In a healthy republic, martial virtue—courage, audacity, strategic acumen—is celebrated as a public good. In a decaying one, these virtues are subordinated to the “virtues” of the bureaucracy: adherence to procedure, sensitivity to political goals, and a suffocating risk-aversion. The modern Pentagon, in many ways, has become a captive of its own civilian bureaucracy. A general who wins a war but offends the sensibilities of the Deputy Undersecretary for Diversity and Inclusion is seen as a greater problem than a general who loses a war but files all the proper environmental impact statements for his forward operating bases. This is madness, but it is the predictable madness of any system where process has eclipsed purpose.

As for remedies, one must not seek a silver bullet where none exists. The disease is one of political culture, not of specific statute. However, the cure begins with a relentless return to first principles.

First, we must resurrect the distinction between the political and the martial spheres. The military must be subordinate to civilian authority—this is a bedrock constitutional principle. But subordination does not mean subjugation to the petty politics of the day. The civilian leadership’s role is to set objectives; the military’s role is to achieve them with maximum efficacy. Congress must reassert its role as a check on the executive branch’s weaponization of law enforcement and administrative processes against military officers. The military justice system itself must be fortified against political infection.

Second, we must cultivate a culture that once again honors meritocratic achievement, openly and without apology. This requires a citizenry and a press corps with the discernment to see through political smears and the courage to celebrate true excellence, even when it is found in someone with whom they may politically disagree. We must despise the two-tiered system of justice that hounds a General Petraeus for mishandling notebooks while ignoring the systemic, reckless handling of classified information by political figures for personal convenience.

Finally, and most importantly, we must repudiate the notion of a permanent, infallible ruling class. The Founders gave us a Republic, not a technocratic oligarchy. The constant, grinding effort to bring every institution—from the academy to the military—under a single, homogenous political worldview is fatal to a nation’s health. It produces groupthink, stifles dissent, and punishes the very talent and independence of spirit that wins wars.

The remedy is not a new law. It is a renewal of character. It is the stubborn, unwavering belief that a nation should be led by its best and brightest, not its most compliant and well-connected. The Romans and Carthaginians forgot this, and their cities are dust. We have the records of their folly. The question is whether we have the wisdom to learn from them.

Saturday, May 24, 2025

ON PRESIDENTIAL POWER, DEMENTIA, AND THE LIMITS OF THE FORGER’S PEN



ON PRESIDENTIAL POWER, DEMENTIA, AND THE LIMITS OF THE FORGER’S PEN

By a jurist of sound mind, strict text, and sharpened pen


“The Constitution is not a living organism. It is a legal document. Let us interpret it as such.”
— Antonin Scalia

There exists in the Constitution no provision for familial succession of power — not to a wife, nor to a son, nor to a panel of loyal physicians, and most certainly not to a cabal of forgery artists. Yet, suppose — in a republic still governed by law — that a sitting President, aged and afflicted with unmistakable signs of dementia, becomes the unwitting centerpiece of a criminal operation led by his own wife and son. Their object? Not the nation’s good, nor even his dignity — but rather, the fraudulent issuance of nearly two thousand presidential pardons. Let us examine what the law says, what the Constitution demands, and what this grotesque scenario reveals about the vulnerabilities of our constitutional order.


I. The Power to Pardon — and Its Limits

Article II, Section 2 of the United States Constitution states:

“The President shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment.”

Simple enough. No statute, regulation, or tradition overrides the President’s plenary power to pardon federal offenses. But — and this is essential — the Constitution vests that power in the President alone. Not in a proxy, not in a spouse, and not in a committee of kin.

The power must be personally exercised, and even though no formalistic rubric is required (no golden seal, no ceremonial act), the act of pardoning must emanate from the President’s will. A document purporting to be a pardon, when the President is neither aware of its existence nor capable of authorizing it, is not a pardon at all — it is a counterfeit.


II. Forgery: The Act that Kills the Act

Let’s not mince words: forging the signature of the President on legal instruments is not merely a bureaucratic infraction. It is a federal crime. Under 18 U.S.C. § 494, any person who “falsely makes, alters, forges or counterfeits” any writing for the purpose of defrauding the United States is guilty of a felony.

To forge a presidential pardon is to forge an act of state — a most sacred executive function. If the First Lady and the President’s son knowingly conspired to produce thousands of such forgeries, that is not only conspiracy to defraud the United States (18 U.S.C. § 371), it is also obstruction of justice and likely misprision of a felony by anyone who knew and failed to report it.

The recipient of such a pardon — if complicit — gains no benefit. Fraud vitiates everything, even presidential mercy.


III. Mental Incapacity: A Hard Truth, Not a Legal Shield

Does the Constitution require a President to be of sound mind every hour of every day? No. But if he is incapable of understanding the nature of his acts, he cannot legally issue them.

Still, the Constitution offers only one remedy for incapacity: the 25th Amendment.

Under Section 4, the Vice President and a majority of the Cabinet may declare the President “unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office,” transferring authority to the Vice President.

But absent this declaration — and in the absence of impeachment — the President remains the President. A man drooling on the Resolute Desk is still, formally, the Commander in Chief. And therein lies the danger: if those closest to him conspire to preserve the illusion of capacity, they effectively short-circuit the constitutional remedy.


IV. Legal Fallout: A Firestorm, Not a Footnote

This is not some clerical error. It is the most profound constitutional fraud in modern history.

  • The forgers (wife and son) could be indicted for forgery, fraud, conspiracy, obstruction, and abuse of public trust.

  • High officials who enabled or concealed this would be complicit in a criminal enterprise.

  • Congress would be within its rights — and duties — to initiate investigative hearings, impeach any remaining officials, and refer criminal findings to the Department of Justice.

What of the recipients? They cannot reasonably claim reliance on a fraudulent pardon. Once the fraud is proven, their shield is wooden, not iron, and prosecution may proceed.


V. The Lesson in Law and Civic Character

A nation of laws cannot survive if the mechanisms of accountability lie dormant — if the Vice President sees the light dim behind the President’s eyes and does nothing; if the Cabinet knows but remains silent; if the public is deceived by photo ops and statements drafted by handlers.

If a president suffers from dementia, that is a tragedy. If the nation allows power to be exercised in his name but without his mind, that is a scandal and a constitutional wound.

The Constitution is not a façade. It is a contract. And contracts are void where forged.


Conclusion

If a President, incapacitated by dementia, becomes the unwitting subject of a conspiracy in which his family fabricates nearly two thousand pardons, the law is not ambiguous: those pardons are invalid, the forgers are criminals, and the Republic has suffered a blow that demands not sentiment, but stern reckoning.

Let the Constitution speak — and let no son, no spouse, no well-dressed fraudster speak louder than the law.

Thursday, December 19, 2024

Conspiring to keep Biden in office: criminal penalties

The scenario: high-ranking party officials conspiring to hide a president’s incapacitation by falsifying medical information, hiring handlers to manage appearances, and lying to the public or government officials—violates several federal laws and constitutional principles. Below is a breakdown of possible legal ramifications:


1. Criminal Conspiracy (18 U.S.C. § 371)

The act of conspiring to commit a crime or defraud the United States is central to this scenario. In this context:

  • Defraud the United States could include interfering with the constitutional mechanisms for determining presidential incapacity (e.g., the 25th Amendment).
  • Lying about the president’s abilities to federal agencies, Congress, or the public may constitute an effort to deceive the government.

Penalties:

  • Up to 5 years in prison, fines, or both.

2. Obstruction of Justice (18 U.S.C. §§ 1503, 1512, 1519)

If these party officials obstruct the processes for addressing presidential incapacity or succession, such as:

  • Preventing the Cabinet from invoking the 25th Amendment.
  • Misleading Congress or federal investigators.
  • Destroying or falsifying records of the president’s medical tests or cognition results.

Relevant Statutes and Penalties:

  • 18 U.S.C. § 1503 (Obstruction of Justice): Penalties up to 10 years.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 1519 (Falsification of Records): Penalties up to 20 years.
  • 18 U.S.C. § 1512 (Witness Tampering): If handlers or others were pressured into silence, penalties up to 20 years.

3. False Statements and Fraud (18 U.S.C. § 1001)

Falsifying or concealing material facts about the president’s medical condition when reporting to federal authorities or Congress is a violation of this statute. This applies if:

  • False statements are made to officials investigating the president’s fitness.
  • Medical records are altered or fabricated to conceal the president’s incapacity.

Penalties:

  • Up to 5 years in prison for each offense.

4. Abuse of Power or Violation of Constitutional Duties

High-ranking officials who conspire to undermine the constitutional processes for presidential incapacity may face:

  • Impeachment: If they are elected or Senate-confirmed officials.
  • Removal from Office: For failing to uphold their oaths to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution.

5. Seditious Conspiracy (18 U.S.C. § 2384)

If the conspiracy’s intent extends to unlawfully preventing the execution of federal laws or subverting constitutional processes (e.g., the 25th Amendment or presidential succession laws), it could qualify as seditious conspiracy. Examples include:

  • Actively preventing the Vice President, Cabinet, or Congress from acting on the president’s incapacitation.
  • Intentionally subverting mechanisms to ensure constitutional governance.

Penalties:

  • Up to 20 years in prison.

6. Civil Liability

The conspirators could face civil lawsuits from:

  • Whistleblowers or Witnesses: If coerced or harmed by the conspiracy.
  • Injured Parties: Citizens or government officials who suffered damages due to unconstitutional governance or misuse of power.

Analysis of Scenario

The described actions represent a deliberate effort to undermine constitutional governance and deceive both the public and federal officials. Such behavior would likely involve a combination of conspiracy, obstruction, fraud, and potentially seditious conspiracy. The officials’ high rank would not shield them from legal accountability, and they could face:

  1. Criminal prosecution for conspiracy, obstruction, and fraud.
  2. Impeachment or removal from office for abuse of power.
  3. Public censure or civil lawsuits.


Sunday, November 24, 2024

Am I being too hard on MacArthur in criticizing his repeated mistakes

 From a conversation I just had with a historian:

I think Macarthur was negligent with his duties as far as training the Philippines forces to resist the Japanese, and had a bad defense plan, and repeated this error in Korea. Am I being too hard on him? 

You’re not alone in criticizing General Douglas MacArthur's military actions, particularly regarding his defense planning and training of forces. His career has inspired passionate debate, with some seeing him as a brilliant, visionary leader while others view him as flawed, arrogant, or negligent. Let’s examine both the Philippines campaign and the Korean War to see why these criticisms may or may not be fair.

The Philippines Defense (1941-1942)

When evaluating MacArthur's actions in the Philippines, there are valid points of criticism:

  1. Lack of Preparation and Training:

    • Training and Modernization: When MacArthur took command of the Philippine armed forces, they were under-equipped and poorly trained. Despite having several years to prepare since his appointment as the Military Advisor to the Philippines in 1935, his focus on conventional forces left them ill-prepared to resist the Japanese. Guerrilla training and unconventional strategies might have been more effective given the Philippine terrain and limited resources.
    • Supplies and Readiness: Despite warnings, MacArthur’s forces were still caught unprepared for the Japanese attacks that started in December 1941. The supplies of food, ammunition, and medicine were not adequately positioned for a prolonged defense, resulting in severe shortages when the Japanese advanced.
  2. Deployment Strategy:

    • Defense of the Coast: MacArthur’s original defense strategy for the Philippines was to resist Japanese landings on the coast, but the Japanese overwhelmed the defenders. The revised plan—retreating to Bataan and holding a defensive position—came too late to adequately prepare. This led to a prolonged siege with limited supplies, culminating in the surrender of U.S. and Filipino forces and the infamous Bataan Death March.
    • Clarke Field Disaster: The Japanese destroyed much of MacArthur's air force on the ground at Clark Field, despite having prior knowledge of the Pearl Harbor attack. MacArthur was criticized for not acting quickly enough to disperse or protect his aircraft, which left the islands more vulnerable to invasion.

That said, some factors were beyond MacArthur’s control. The forces under his command were undermanned, under-equipped, and lacked both air and naval power compared to the well-prepared Japanese forces. Given the economic and logistical constraints of the U.S. and Philippines at that time, a different outcome may have been unlikely. Additionally, Washington’s military resources were already stretched across multiple fronts.

Korean War (1950-1953)

In Korea, MacArthur also faced criticism for several major decisions that affected the course of the war:

  1. Initial Success and Overreach:

    • Inchon Landing: MacArthur’s success at Inchon was undoubtedly brilliant, taking the North Koreans by surprise and leading to the recapture of Seoul. However, this victory led to overconfidence and overreach. He pushed U.N. forces to the Yalu River, despite Chinese warnings, exposing his forces to an overwhelming counterattack.
    • Underestimating China: MacArthur repeatedly dismissed the possibility of Chinese intervention despite intelligence suggesting otherwise. When China intervened with massive numbers, U.N. forces were unprepared for the counteroffensive, which led to their retreat southward. His underestimation of the Chinese resolve is often seen as a critical strategic error.
  2. Defensive Planning and Communication:

    • Divided Forces: MacArthur's decision to split his forces and advance rapidly up the Korean peninsula made them vulnerable to counterattack. The long, exposed supply lines and poor coordination between units left his forces in a precarious position when China intervened.
    • Relations with Washington: MacArthur frequently communicated poorly with President Truman and the Joint Chiefs, undermining civilian control of the military. His public statements advocating expansion of the war to China—potentially involving nuclear strikes—were viewed as reckless and insubordinate, leading to his eventual removal by Truman.

Was This Negligence?

Your perspective that MacArthur was negligent can be justified, particularly in how he handled preparations in the Philippines and overextended in Korea. The repeated mistakes—such as underestimating the enemy and lacking preparation—showed a pattern of overconfidence. His belief in bold, offensive strategies often blinded him to the logistical realities or political limitations at play.

However, some might argue that MacArthur's aggressiveness was both his greatest strength and his greatest weakness. He was willing to take risks, which led to some brilliant successes, like the Inchon landing. The challenges he faced were enormous, and he was a product of his time—a military leader molded by a belief in decisive, dramatic action.

It is fair to criticize his strategic shortcomings, but it’s also important to recognize the complexity of the situations he faced and the weight of expectations upon him. MacArthur was both a hero and a flawed figure—capable of great insight and misjudgment alike. Your critical view isn’t too harsh if it’s rooted in acknowledging both the successes and failures of his career. He was certainly one of the most controversial military figures of the 20th century, and his legacy is understandably mixed.